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Basil of Seleucia, Gregory of Nyssa, John Chrysos- tom, Ambrose and — as was traditionally believed — even Augustine made the episode a topic of their letters and notably of their sermons, and the rhetoric of the pulpit powerfully contributed to the ampliication and dramatization of the story. Chrysostome, In Matthaeum homilia ix , in pl , 57, cols.

De infantibus in Bethleem ab Herode sublatis, in pg , 85, cols. Innocentes in Bethleem interfectos et in Rachel, in pg , 96, cols. Jerome, in Hieremiam, 6, in cc , Series Latina, lxxiv, pp. Classis secunda, lxx in pl , 16, cols. See also K. For the interpretatio iguralis see E. After intro- ducing the topic of his homily, Basil declared that he could almost hear the cries of dying infants around him.

How he, swearing blasphemously, is grabbing the baby with one hand, and running him through with the other? Who can recount how anxiously the mother embraces her child, trying to protect his head from the sharp blade of the villain? O barbarum spectaculum! Inlisa cervix cautibus spargit cerebrum lacteum oculosque per vulnus vomit, aut in profundum palpitans mersatur infans gurgitem, cui subter artis faucibus singultat unda et halitus.

Oh, most barbarous scene! Cunning- ham, Turnhout, Brepols, in cc , Series Latina, cxxvi, pp. Raimondi, The Massacre of the Innocents. An ancillary episode of the New Testament had thus become one of the most stirring events in the history of Christianity. Its iconic representations took from the outset the aspect of a crowded and frantic scene, illed with bodies involved in desperate ighting.

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From the earliest ivory tablets to the works of the late Middle Ages, the ig- urative tradition appears to be wholly consistent on this point.

Guido Reni deliberately departed from this tradition, with which he was no doubt 1 See the works cited in note 1 on p. For representations of the Innocents episode in the highly inluential Biblia pauperum see Henrik Cornell, Biblia pauperum, Stockholm, Thule-tryck, , pp.

These works present features directly inspired by the texts of the Fathers. This interpretation rests upon the assumption that it ought to be possible for us to de- termine a straight correspondence of expressive means between the formal features of a seventeenth-century painting and the rhetorical organization of a poem from the same period.

In fact, closer investigation into this case will 1 See A. On the other hand Ch. Carlo Doria,2 and celebrated in Ligurian literary circles. The manuscript was irst recorded by G.

The Marinean texts of the manuscript have been edited by A. Colombo, Gli autograi torinesi di G. On the dat- ing of the manuscript see Colombo, Gli autograi torinesi, cit. Dimore, committenti e collezionisti genovesi, a cura di P. Boccardo, Milan, Skira, , p. Ratti, Genoa, Stamperia Casamara, i, p. The painting was re-discovered by F. The correct identiicaton of the committente as Gio. Carlo Doria in P.

Boccardo, Gio. Carlo Doria e la serie degli Apostoli di G.

Fabio Volo

A genuine preparatory drawing London, private Collection has recently been published by M. Terraroli, F. Varallo, L. De Fanti, Milan, Skira, , pp. See also Farina, Giovan Carlo Doria, cit. Rat- ti also reports i, p. This anxiety to keep pace with the changing artistic taste is conirmed by similarly re-touched attribu- tions, performed while transferring the texts from the Turin manuscript into the col- lection of poems that was to be published as La Galeria later in Martinoni, Gian Vincenzo Imperiale politico, letterato e collezionista genovese del Seicento, Padua, Antenore, , p.

On Paggi see F.

Fabio Volo

Pesenti, Pittori genovesi del primo Seicento, Genoa, Sagep, , pp. Marino, Galeria edn. Pieri , cit. What one nowadays regards as strikingly dissimilar works of art were either not perceived as such by the Neapolitan poet, or were of interest to him — as to most of his con- temporaries — on a diferent level, conceptual rather than pictorial.

Emphasis is laid upon the alchemy of passions rather than pictorial composition or style. It does seem that, while looking at both Pag- gi and Reni, Marino was turning over in his mind the teachings of Aristotle.

Margoliouth More can be said on this point.

The popularity of the conceit of orrore and diletto as wonderfully united in one single and inextricable feeling had been securely estab- lished by two authoritative poets, Claudian and Tasso. Pedites in parte sinistra consistunt. Equites illinc poscentia cursum ora reluctantur pressis sedare lupatis; hinc alii saevum cristato vertice nutant et tremulos umeris gaudent vibrare colores, quos operit formatque chalybs; coniuncta per artem Flexilis inductis animatur lamina membris; horribiles visu: credas simulacra moveri ferrea cognatoque viros spirare metallo.

Par vestitus equis: ferrata fronte minantur ferratosque levant securi vulneris armos. Diviso stat quisque loco, metuenda voluptas Cernenti pulcherque timor, spirisque remissis mansuescunt varii vento cessante dracones. Battistini, 3 vols. On the left stands the infantry. Over against them the cavalry seek to restrain their eager steeds by holding tight the reins. The horses are armed in the same way; their heads are encased in threatening iron, their forequarters move beneath steel plates protecting them from wounds; each stands alone, a pleasure yet a dread to behold, beautiful, yet terrible, and as the wind drops the particoloured dragons sink with relaxing coils into repose.

He therefore turned to Claudi- an and Tasso, who had evoked the fascinating mixture of orrore and diletto for the scene of two armies facing each other, and characteristically tried to outdo his mod- els by applying the description of that wonderful sensation not to the preliminaries but to the battle itself.

In so doing, Marino was adhering to those principles of liter- 1 The vitality of the topos did not lose vigour until the end of the eighteenth century. Parini, Il dono, vv.

Malvasia, Felsina pittrice. Francesco Davico detto il Turrino, , ii, p. The painting remained in the church until , when it was moved to Paris. Marino, La Galeria, Venice, Ciotti, , p.

Pieri, 2 vols. The paradox is resolved in the inal pointe.

Guido Reni, its charm in the eyes of modern readers. The Massacre of the Innocents Besides, the apparent vagueness of the eulogy does not seem to provide any real insight into the speciic qualities of the work of art it purports to celebrate.

More recently, however, attempts have been made to understand whether and how a closer relationship between literary texts of this kind and works of art may be found.

Art historians have pioneered this kind of approach. Although doubt has often been cast on the actual existence of these works, the survival of most of them, as well as the plentiful relat- ed documentation, bears witness to the contrary. Cropper, Ch. Dempsey, Nicolas Poussin.

In order to appreciate the value of this statement, a brief survey of the literary and iconographic tradition of the Massacre of the Innocents will be of assistance.

The episode is recounted in the Gospel of Matthew 2: Tunc Herodes videns quoniam inlusus esset a magis, iratus est valde, et mittens occidit omnes pueros qui erant in Bethleem et in omnibus inibus eius a bimatu et infra, secundum tempus quod exquisierat a magis.

Tunc adimpletum est quod dictum est per Hieremiam prophetam dicentem: Then Herod, when he saw that he was mocked of the wise men, was exceeding wroth, and sent forth, and slew all the children that were in Bethlehem, and in all the coasts thereof, from two years old and under, according to the time which he had diligently enquired of the wise men. Then was fulilled that which was spoken by Jeremiah the prophet, saying, in Rama was there a voice heard, lamentation, and weeping, and great mourning, Rachel weeping for her children, and would not be comforted, because they are not.

No further signiicant details are given in the other Gospels or the Apocrypha. Now this dry account stands in sharp contrast with the exuberant artistic production in- spired by the episode of the Innocents. Basil of Seleucia, Gregory of Nyssa, John Chrysos- tom, Ambrose and — as was traditionally believed — even Augustine made the episode a topic of their letters and notably of their sermons, and the rhetoric of the pulpit powerfully contributed to the ampliication and dramatization of the story.

Chrysostome, In Matthaeum homilia ix , in pl , 57, cols. De infantibus in Bethleem ab Herode sublatis, in pg , 85, cols. Innocentes in Bethleem interfectos et in Rachel, in pg , 96, cols. Jerome, in Hieremiam, 6, in cc , Series Latina, lxxiv, pp.

Classis secunda, lxx in pl , 16, cols. See also K.

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For the interpretatio iguralis see E. After intro- ducing the topic of his homily, Basil declared that he could almost hear the cries of dying infants around him.

Who could ever recount how the slayer, with a frowning and scary face, is assaulting with a naked sword his little prey? How he, swearing blasphemously, is grabbing the baby with one hand, and running him through with the other? Who can recount how anxiously the mother embraces her child, trying to protect his head from the sharp blade of the villain?

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Locum minutis artubus vix interemptor invenit quo plaga descendat patens iuguloque maior pugio est. O barbarum spectaculum! Inlisa cervix cautibus spargit cerebrum lacteum oculosque per vulnus vomit, aut in profundum palpitans mersatur infans gurgitem, cui subter artis faucibus singultat unda et halitus. Oh, most barbarous scene! Cunning- ham, Turnhout, Brepols, in cc , Series Latina, cxxvi, pp. Raimondi, The Massacre of the Innocents. An ancillary episode of the New Testament had thus become one of the most stirring events in the history of Christianity.

Its iconic representations took from the outset the aspect of a crowded and frantic scene, illed with bodies involved in desperate ighting. From the earliest ivory tablets to the works of the late Middle Ages, the ig- urative tradition appears to be wholly consistent on this point. Guido Reni deliberately departed from this tradition, with which he was no doubt 1 See the works cited in note 1 on p. For representations of the Innocents episode in the highly inluential Biblia pauperum see Henrik Cornell, Biblia pauperum, Stockholm, Thule-tryck, , pp.

These works present features directly inspired by the texts of the Fathers. Such passages also exercised a remarkable inluence on Renaissance art criticism: This interpretation rests upon the assumption that it ought to be possible for us to de- termine a straight correspondence of expressive means between the formal features of a seventeenth-century painting and the rhetorical organization of a poem from the same period.

In fact, closer investigation into this case will 1 See A. On the other hand Ch. Carlo Doria,2 and celebrated in Ligurian literary circles. The manuscript was irst recorded by G. The Marinean texts of the manuscript have been edited by A. Colombo, Gli autograi torinesi di G. On the dat- ing of the manuscript see Colombo, Gli autograi torinesi, cit. Dimore, committenti e collezionisti genovesi, a cura di P. Boccardo, Milan, Skira, , p. Ratti, Genoa, Stamperia Casamara, The painting was re-discovered by F.

The correct identiicaton of the committente as Gio. Carlo Doria in P. Boccardo, Gio. Carlo Doria e la serie degli Apostoli di G. A genuine preparatory drawing London, private Collection has recently been published by M. Carlo Doria: Terraroli, F. Varallo, L. De Fanti, Milan, Skira, , pp. See also Farina, Giovan Carlo Doria, cit. Rat- ti also reports i, p. This anxiety to keep pace with the changing artistic taste is conirmed by similarly re-touched attribu- tions, performed while transferring the texts from the Turin manuscript into the col- lection of poems that was to be published as La Galeria later in Martinoni, Gian Vincenzo Imperiale politico, letterato e collezionista genovese del Seicento, Padua, Antenore, , p.

On Paggi see F. Pesenti, Pittori genovesi del primo Seicento, Genoa, Sagep, , pp. Marino, Galeria edn. Pieri , cit. What one nowadays regards as strikingly dissimilar works of art were either not perceived as such by the Neapolitan poet, or were of interest to him — as to most of his con- temporaries — on a diferent level, conceptual rather than pictorial. Emphasis is laid upon the alchemy of passions rather than pictorial composition or style.

It does seem that, while looking at both Pag- gi and Reni, Marino was turning over in his mind the teachings of Aristotle. One could even venture to maintain that he was translating into verse an oft-cited passage from the Poetics b:Gardner Coates a terrible illness that prevents him from working.

Namespaces Article Talk. On the other hand Ch. He rather viewed the struggle between the two extremes as emerging from the inherent, evocative powers of the statue, expressed and made vis- ible through the formal arrangement of its components — something altogether dif- ferent from the tenets of the aesthetics of efects that had dominated the relationship between literature and art in the previous centuries.

Francesco Davico detto il Turrino, , ii, p.

One could even venture to maintain that he was translating into verse an oft-cited passage from the Poetics b: Its iconic representations took from the outset the aspect of a crowded and frantic scene, illed with bodies involved in desperate ighting. School Life.